Bolivia’s political crisis — typically cast as a domestic struggle over economic hardship and the future of former President Evo Morales’ movement — is also a case study in how foreign investment managed through opaque agreements can erode public trust, according to analysts writing in United Press International.

In a piece published this week in The Diplomat, Latin America scholar Dr. R. Evan Ellis, drawing on a May 2026 visit to Bolivia and extensive interviews across its political and business communities, outlined why Bolivia’s experience with Chinese investment has become contentious, according to a UPI analysis by Gustavo Nakamura, Regional Director in Peru for CEFAS CEU.

For years, Bolivia appeared to be one of China’s more promising partners in South America, Nakamura wrote. Under the governments of Morales and later President Luis Arce, Bolivia welcomed Chinese companies into strategic sectors including infrastructure, energy and mining. The political logic, according to the analysis, was that Bolivia wanted development without excessive dependence on Washington or traditional Western institutions, and China offered an alternative source of financing, technology and political symbolism.

Yet projects associated with Chinese companies drew complaints over delays, quality problems, labor disputes and corruption allegations, according to the UPI account. In a country already marked by deep regional and ethnic divisions, these controversies deepened public suspicion. Instead of becoming a symbol of national modernization, China’s role became part of a broader debate over who controls Bolivia’s natural wealth and on whose terms, Nakamura wrote.

Bolivia’s lithium reserves are especially revealing, according to the analysis. The country holds some of the world’s largest lithium reserves, essential for electric vehicles and the global energy transition. In theory, that should give Bolivia enormous strategic leverage, Nakamura wrote. In practice, the country has struggled to convert its reserves into broad-based prosperity.

Deals involving Chinese and Russian firms sparked political resistance, especially in Potosí, where many fear that outside companies will extract value while leaving environmental damage and limited local benefit, according to the report. Concerns about water use and environmental review go to the heart of whether Bolivia’s lithium will become a foundation for national development or another chapter in the country’s long history of exporting raw materials while others capture the greater value, Nakamura wrote.

The real problem, according to the analysts, is the absence of clear rules and strong oversight. When contracts are negotiated behind closed doors, citizens assume the worst, Nakamura wrote. When environmental concerns are dismissed, local communities resist. When strategic projects are tied to political favoritism, a change of government can turn yesterday’s investment plan into today’s national controversy.

Bolivia’s current crisis illustrates how quickly economic frustration can become a test of state authority, Nakamura wrote. Roadblocks have isolated major cities and disrupted access to food and medicine. The government is trying to restore order while facing pressure from unions, Indigenous groups, teachers and supporters of Morales, according to the report.

As protesters threw dynamite at police and blocked supply routes into La Paz, China’s ambassador Wang Liang held an economic forum in the southern department of Tarija titled, with no apparent irony, “Bolivia, into the world with China,” according to Ellis’s account cited by Nakamura.

MSI previously reported that miners set off dynamite in La Paz as Bolivia’s protests escalated into their second week in mid-May. Miners set off dynamite in La Paz as Bolivia protests escalate into second week

Too often, outside powers view China’s rise in Latin America through the lens of geopolitical competition, according to Nakamura. The more important question, he wrote, is whether Latin American countries have the institutional strength to negotiate with any major power on terms that serve their people. A weak state can be exploited by China, but also by Western corporations or local elites of any ideology, he wrote. A strong state can engage China, the United States and Europe without surrendering transparency or public accountability.

For the United States and its democratic partners, the lesson is equally clear, according to the analysis. If Washington wants to regain credibility in countries like Bolivia, it must offer practical alternatives: investment that takes institutional capacity seriously and respects national dignity. Latin Americans are not looking for lectures, Nakamura wrote. They want partners who help build capacity and leave institutions stronger than before.

Going deeper: Read MSI’s analysis of institutional vulnerability in foreign investment →