Ballard told the court that his decision to break with Rivera began after he learned in 2020 that Venezuela’s government had awarded the Miami Republican a $50 million contract. He said the information shattered what he described as his earlier belief that he and Rivera were aligned on hastening Nicolás Maduro’s downfall, even as Rivera had long been part of a circle that Ballard said included U.S. political contacts. The testimony came in a Miami trial of Rivera on charges that prosecutors say involve secret lobbying for Maduro’s government without registering as a foreign agent.
Prosecutors portrayed Ballard as a central witness in the case. They said Ballard’s account, including text messages, emails and lobbying records, supports the government’s narrative that Rivera shifted roles after leaving Congress and began operating as a conduit for Venezuela’s efforts. Rivera’s lawyers have contested those claims, and the trial has become a detailed account of how U.S.-Venezuela lobbying work moved through personal relationships, corporate connections and political networks, the AP reported.
Ballard testified that when he learned of the Venezuela contract he moved quickly to cut ties with Rivera. In court, he framed his earlier relationship with Rivera as rooted in their shared history and opposition to the Venezuelan government. He also said he blocked Rivera’s contact on his phone after later learning more about what the court filings describe as a covert plan and, in one final message quoted in court, Ballard wrote, “I have nothing to do with this David” and “I don’t find it humorous at all.”
Ballard’s testimony also offered a broader look at the alleged ecosystem prosecutors describe as stretching beyond Rivera. The court heard that Raul Gorrín, a media tycoon in Caracas, played a role in courting U.S. power players, including figures linked to Trump’s orbit. Prosecutors described Gorrín’s repeated efforts to influence discussions in Washington as part of foreign influence concerns, and Ballard said Gorrín introduced him to Rivera and they later traveled together to meet with Venezuelan opposition leaders.
Ballard also testified about meetings that he said involved Venezuelan opposition figures. He said he met with Lilian Tintori, the wife of jailed opposition leader Leopoldo López, at Gorrín’s mansion in Miami. Ballard said a few months later, Gorrín’s network, Globovision, signed an $800,000 contract with Ballard’s firm seeking help expanding into the United States, and Ballard said he ultimately took the work after due diligence and Tintori’s endorsement.
However, Ballard said he later regretted the arrangement. He testified that he did not know about a partner in his firm helping draft a letter Gorrín wanted hand-delivered to Trump in 2017 promising the businessman would “devote every waking minute to a successful resolution of the crisis in Venezuela.” Ballard said the letter never passed the Secret Service, and he testified that once news broke that Gorrín was under federal investigation for money laundering, he terminated the relationship, telling the court, “I finally said it’s not worth it.”
During testimony, Ballard also described how he considered FARA compliance after learning additional information about who he was dealing with. He said he sent a Feb. 13, 2017 text to Rivera’s co-defendant, former Rubio fundraiser Esther Nuhfer, writing, “Please make sure the people you are dealing with understand the serious nature of the FARA laws.” Prosecutors’ account tied the alleged lobbying effort to a wider attempt to influence U.S. policy toward Maduro’s government and its opponents.
The case has also touched on the way some of these figures moved across the political world as Trump’s team took shape. Ballard testified that Trump’s first term was only beginning when Rivera pitched him on representing Venezuela’s opposition, and he said both men were known as opponents of the Venezuelan government. Prosecutors and testimony described how Rubio, a Trump ally and long-time connection in Ballard’s story, also felt “betrayed” by Rivera, according to testimony referenced in court reporting. The trial has also involved references to acting President Delcy Rodríguez and White House Chief of Staff Susie Wiles as part of what prosecutors described as continuing efforts to “run” Venezuela.
Ballard’s testimony included material that Rivera’s defense sought to challenge. After Ballard walked prosecutors through messages and records prosecutors said show Rivera’s role, the defense sought a mistrial on Tuesday, accusing prosecutors of improperly suggesting that Rivera tried to rope Ballard into the alleged conspiracy. Judge Melissa Damian denied the motion.
Rivera, 60, has pleaded not guilty and denies wrongdoing. In his defense, Rivera told the court, through Ballard’s description of his arguments, that he worked as a business strategist for a U.S. affiliate of Venezuela’s state-run oil company and therefore was exempt from FARA. The trial is now set to continue with more testimony, as prosecutors attempt to persuade the jury that the consulting contract described in court was a cover for lobbying aimed at Maduro’s government rather than an effort to accelerate regime change.